2025年7月25日 周五
Re-evaluation on contributions and limitations of the “medieval economic revolution” theory of Mark Elvin
CSTR:
Author:
Clc Number:

K23-5;F129

  • Article
  • | |
  • Metrics
  • |
  • Reference [44]
  • |
  • Related [20]
  • | | |
  • Comments
    Abstract:

    The "medieval economic revolution" theory which Mark Elvin put forward in The Pattern of the Chinese Past (hereinafter referred to as "The Pattern") deeply influenced the research on the social and economic history of the Tang and Song dynasties. The "economic revolution" has generated a wide range of academic discussions. However, there are totally different ideas on it. Proponents argue that it has opened up the horizons of scholars and driven awareness of research issues. Opponents claim that it has no contribution in terms of historical facts and has obvious flaws such as an attempt to integrate Chinese history into the trajectory of European development. So it's very necessary to re-evaluate the contributions and limitations of this theory. Almost all of the theories of economic "revolution" in ancient China put forward by scholars based on different perspectives focus on the Song dynasty. Many other scholars who do not use or endorse the term "revolution" also believe that there was a very obvious development and significant progress in economy of the Song. It is not an astonishing point of view that there was economic revolution during late Tang, Song and Early Yuan, especially the Song Period (referred to as Medieval by Elvin). It is not Mark Elvin that first put forward this idea. The Pattern is a theoretical work whose focus is on theory construction. The "medieval economic revolution" theory does not provide new historical facts and its specific conclusions also face challenges. However, it is a comprehensive study of the economic history of the late Tang, Song and early Yuan dynasties because it attempts to demonstrate the structure of the medieval economy based on the underlying logic of the relationship between the techniques and economy. As far as this is concerned, it should be acknowledged. The "medieval economic revolution" theory answers the framework questions of The Pattern and together with the "high level equilibrium trap" theory, makes up a complete theoretical system self-constructed by Mark Elvin. Some limitations of the theory provide opportunities for new researches. And others are congenital defects which Chinese scholars have to be alert to. We should not follow the specific conclusions of the "medieval economic revolution" theory directly, but should "remove the worst (Europe-centralism)" and absorb the reasonable core of its methodology.

    Reference
    [1] ELVIN M.The pattern of the Chinese past[M].CA:Stanford University Press, 1973.
    [2] 宁欣, 陈涛."中世纪城市革命"论说的提出和意义:基于"唐宋变革论"的考察[J].史学理论研究, 2010(1):125-134.
    [3] 内藤湖南.中国史通论[M].夏应元, 译.北京:社会科学文献出版社, 2004:233.
    [4] 前田直典.古代东亚的终结[M]//刘俊文.日本学者研究中国史论著选译(第1卷).北京:中华书局, 1992.
    [5] 傅衣凌.论明清社会的发展与迟滞[J].社会科学战线, 1978(4):152-159.
    [6] 漆侠.宋代社会生产力的发展及其在中国古代经济发展过程中的地位[J].中国经济史研究, 1986(1):29-52.
    [7] 宁可.中国封建经济结构的运转和发展[J].中国经济史研究, 2007(2):20-30, 56.
    [8] 宫崎市定.宋代的煤与铁[M]//宫崎市定亚洲史论考(下).张学锋, 马云超, 译.上海:上海古籍出版社, 2017:983.
    [9] 游彪.访日本经济史学家斯波义信教授[J].中国经济史研究, 2001(1):144-148.
    [10] 斯波义信, 张天虹.商业在唐宋变革中的作用[J].文史哲, 2009(3):12-22.
    [11] 马润潮.宋代的商业与城市[M].马德程, 译.台北:中国文化大学出版部, 1985:2.
    [12] HARTWELL R.Markets, technology, and the structure of enterprise in the development of the eleventh-century Chinese iron and steel industry[J].The Journal of Economic History, 1966, 26(1):29-58.
    [13] HARTWELL R.The evolution of the early Northern Sung monetary system, A.D.960-1025[J].Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1967, 87(3):280-289.
    [14] HARTWELL R.A cycle of economic change in imperial China:Coal and iron in northeast China, 750-1350[J].Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 1967, 10(1):102-159.
    [15] HARTWELL R.Financial expertise, examinations, and the formulation of economic policy in Northern Sung China[J].The Journal of Asian Studies, 1971, 30(2):281-314.
    [16] WHEATLEY P.The pattern of the Chinese past by Mark Elvin[J].Economic Development and Cultural Change, 1976, 24(2):437-442.
    [17] 山根幸夫.中国史研究入门(上册)[M].田人隆, 黄正建, 译.增订本.北京:社会科学文献出版社, 2000.
    [18] 包伟民.走出"汉学心态":中国古代历史研究方法论刍议[J].中国社会科学评价, 2015(3):60-68, 126.
    [19] SHIBA Y.Commerce and society in Sung China[M].translated by ELVIN M.Ann Arbor:University of Michigan, 1970.
    [20] HOSHI A.The Ming tribute grain system[M].translated by ELVIN M.Ann Arbor:Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1969.
    [21] BAYS D.The pattern of the Chinese past by Mark Elvin[J].The History Teacher, 1976, 9(2):335-336.
    [22] ELVIN M.Why intensify? The outline of a theory of the institutional causes driving long-term changes in Chinese farming and the consequent modifications of the environment[M]//SÖRLIN V, WARDE A.Nature's end:History and the environment.London:Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2009:273-303.
    [23] LI B.An early modern economy in China:The Yangzi delta in the 1820s[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2021:8.
    [24] 宫泽知之.战后日本的中国史论争·宋代地主与农民的诸问题[M]//日本学者中国史研究论著选译(第2卷).夏日新, 译.北京:中华书局, 1996.
    [25] 高明士.战后日本的中国史研究·再版序[M].上海:中西书局, 2019:1.
    [26] 谷川道雄.战后日本的中国史论争·总论[M]//日本学者中国史研究论著选译(第2卷).夏日新, 译.北京:中华书局, 1996:315.
    [27] ELVIN M.Why China failed to create an endogenous industrial capitalism:A critique of Max Weber's explanation[J].Theory and Society, 1984, 13(3):379-391.
    [28] 麦克尼尔.西方的兴起:人类共同体史[M].孙岳, 陈志坚, 于展, 等译, 北京:中信出版社, 2015.
    [29] 包伟民."宋代经济革命论"反思[M]//任继愈.国际汉学(第7辑).郑州:大象出版社, 2002:111-135.
    [30] 吴承明, 侯方.评外国学者对旧中国经济不发达原因的分析[J].经济学动态, 1981(9):60-63.
    [31] 许金晶, 李伯重.鹰腾万里学海翱翔:李伯重老师访谈[M]//.开山大师兄:新中国第一批文科博士访谈录.南京:江苏人民出版社, 2019:72.
    [32] 伊懋可, 熊大经.高度平衡机制论:中国传统纺织工业的发明创造衰退的原因[J].上海经济研究, 1982(7):42-50.
    [33] 伊懋可.大象的退却:一部中国环境史[M].梅雪琴, 毛利霞, 王玉山, 译.南京:江苏人民出版社2014:8.
    [34] RAWSKI S E.The pattern of the Chinese past by Mark Elvin[J].The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1976, 7(1):133-136.
    [35] NATHAN S. Imperial China:Has its present past a future?[J].Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 1978, 38(2):449-480.
    [36] ELVIN M.Another history:Essays on China from a European perspective[M].NSW:Wild Peony Pty LTD, 1996:i.
    [37] 李伯重.历史上的经济革命与经济史的研究方法[M]//理论、方法、发展趋势:中国经济史研究新探.北京:清华大学出版社, 2002:129-133.
    [38] 成一农.西方理论对中国城市史研究的影响[M]//陈恒.西方城市史学.北京:商务印书馆, 2017:482-483.
    [39] 李华瑞.唐宋史研究应当翻过这一页:从多视角看"宋代近世说(唐宋变革论)"[J].古代文明, 2018(1):14-37, 125.
    [40] 包茂宏.中国环境史研究:伊懋可教授访谈[J].中国历史地理论丛, 2004(1):125-138, 159.
    [41] 吴承明.转变的中国·中文版序[M].南京:江苏人民出版社, 1997:3.
    [42] 吴承明.经济学理论与经济史研究[J].经济研究, 1995(4):3-9.
    [43] 列宁.青年团的任务[M]//列宁选集(第4卷).北京:人民出版社, 2012:285.
    [44] 魏明孔.构建中国经济史话语体系适逢其时[N].光明日报, 2015-12-06(07).
    Cited by
    Comments
    Comments
    分享到微博
    Submit
Get Citation

张天虹.伊懋可“中古经济革命”论的价值与局限再认识[J].重庆大学学报社会科学版,2022,28(5):138~150

Copy
Share
Article Metrics
  • Abstract:810
  • PDF: 959
  • HTML: 2214
  • Cited by: 0
History
  • Online: November 07,2022
Article QR Code