Abstract:In December 2023, the Central Economic Work Conference put forward a major strategy of "optimizing the layout of major productive forces and strengthening the construction of the national strategic hinterland". The CPC Central Committee attaches great importance to the development of the western region. In April 2024, General Secretary Xi Jinping visited Chongqing, emphasizing that "the construction of the Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle is a major strategic decision made by the CPC Central Committee". The 2024 Government Work Report also emphasizes the importance of strengthening the construction of the national strategic hinterland. As the name suggests, a strategic hinterland is relative to a coastal (border) area. Therefore, the central and western regions will certainly be the key areas for the construction of the national strategic hinterland. The Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle is located in the upper reaches of the Yangtze River, thousands of kilometers away from the eastern coastal areas. With a large population, vast land, abundant natural resources, large economic scale, strong scientific and technological strength and special strategic position, the region is one of China's most ideal core bearing areas for building a national strategic hinterland in the new era. This paper first reviews the remarkable achievements of the Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle in terms of economic growth, population agglomeration, scientific and technological innovation, industrial development, market cultivation and opening up since the beginning of this century, analyzes the opportunities and challenges of cultivating new productive forces and improving the quality of development in the region, and finally puts forward policy suggestions for the construction of the Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle in the new era as the core carrying area of the national strategic hinterland.

Abstract:Strengthening the construction of national strategic hinterlands is the implementation of the strategic deployment of "guaranteeing the new development pattern with a new security pattern" proposed by the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, demonstrating the significant strategic considerations of the CPC Central Committee in coordinating and realizing the dynamic balance of the high-quality development and high-level security. As a specific national strategic hinterland, superimposed on the development trend of urban agglomerations becoming spatial growth poles and factor carriers of regional development, it is of significant importance for Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle to actively serve and integrate into the construction of the national strategic hinterland in the new era. The "national strategic hinterland" is adjacent to the national-level growth poles or pilot regions, possessing the foundation for high-quality economic development and industrial undertaking capability. It can support the overall economic operation, undertake industry transfer, provide resource supply, and ensure ecological security during general or special periods, and serve the overall national strategic development. The "core carrier area of national strategic hinterlands" is the important positioning of the Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle in the construction of the national strategic hinterland, which undertakes the pursuit of high-quality development of "making overall development planning based on one region". It embodies the value attributes of the CPC Central Committee in coordinating high-quality development and high-level security, being a key space where locality and systematicity coexist, an important growth pole driving the high-quality development of various strategic hinterlands. The core carrier area of national strategic hinterlands in the new era shall have development advantages such as active economic organizations, complete industrial categories, sufficient factor supply, and perfect infrastructure. Currently, the Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle possesses comparative advantages of building the core carrier area of national strategic hinterlands in the new era, including a "solid and comprehensive" development foundation and industrial system, the key technological innovation strength to maintain and stabilize the industry chains, industry backup and undertaking capacity that "serves the overall situation", and factor supply and facility support for both peacetime and wartime. However, there are weaknesses of incomplete regional spatial structure development, low efficiency in transforming high-tech achievements, and homogeneity of industries and low visibility within the region. In the future, the Chengdu-Chongqing Economic Circle shall build a backup base for national key strategic industries with strategic thinking, develop a regional innovation system and model of independent innovation with innovative thinking, create a strategic base for ensuring the supply of China's important primary products with thinking that can deal with worst-case scenarios, and improve the industrial system for both peacetime and wartime and swift responses to emergencies with thinking that can deal with extreme-case scenarios, striving to build a core carrier area of national strategic hinterlands in the new era.

Abstract:Confronted with the intricate international political landscape and global industrial competition, China must promptly optimize and adjust the distribution of its major productive forces in light of the new characteristics of its development stage. This involves expanding strategic depth in the vast central and western inland hinterland to fortify national security. The strategic concept of "building the national strategic hinterland" was first introduced at the Central Economic Work Conference in December 2023, laying the groundwork for optimizing productive force distribution and safeguarding national security. The concept delineates key geographical attributes and strategic characteristics, pragmatic practices in different historical periods show that the concept of "rear area" is the basic appearance of "national strategic hinterland". The positioning of the national strategic hinterland by the CPC Central Committee is considered and planned from the overall situation of national development. Compared with other major regional strategies, the national strategic hinterland possesses fundamental characteristics such as its pivotal geographical location, robust economic resilience, role as an engine for innovation and development, and its ability to foster urban culture cohesion. Throughout China's regional economic development history, both the "third line construction" and "coordinated development strategy" have been tasked with optimizing the layout of major productive forces and maintaining a strong "rear area" during different historical periods. In new era, the concept of a national strategic rear area naturally assumes historical responsibility within this contemporary context. Accelerating the construction of the national strategic hinterland represents a timely response to significant changes in this century. It aims to establish a new pattern of development and optimize major productive force layouts in order to confidently navigate external uncertainties and seize strategic initiative. In order to translate strategic decisions and anticipated goals into tangible results, systematic promotion of the construction of the national strategic hinterland is imperative. By enhancing the top-level design of strategic planning, coordinating the establishment of strategic material reserves, strengthening the support for strategic scientific and technological capabilities, and establishing strategic industrial backup bases and developing a network of strategic transportation capacity in space, it will become a new growth pole and power source of China's economic development. This will continuously promote high-quality development and advanced security infrastructure construction in the rear area during this new era.

Abstract:New quality productivity is a new type of productivity that applies new technologies, spawns new industries, opens up new tracks, breeds new values, and reshapes new kinetic energy. Accelerating the formation of new quality productivity is not only an important hand for China to break through the dilemma of low-end embeddedness and low-end locking in the value chain, and realize the upward climb of the global value chain, but also to promote the deepening of the domestic value chain, and to realize the benign interaction of the two value circuits of the global value chain and the domestic value chain. This paper enriches and expands the core meaning and contemporary connotation of the new quality productivity, clarifies and explains the logical mechanism of the new quality productivity to promote the upgrading of global value chain, and explores the realistic path of tapping the new quality productivity to promote the upgrading of global value chain. The study finds that compared with the traditional productivity, the new quality productivity is driven by scientific and technological innovation, and it is dedicated to enhancing China's control over the trade network of the entire global value chain and accelerating the upgrading from the middle and low ends to the high end of the global value chain by laying the groundwork for the strategic emerging industries and the industries of the future. With innovation as the new engine, strategic emerging industries as the main position and future industries as the source, the new quality productivity plays the role of the main force of high-quality talents, and promotes the upgrading of the global value chain through the upgrading of processes, products and chains. The new quality productivity is based on the mutual promotion of domestic and international dual cycles, with the domestic general cycle as the main position and the domestic and foreign dual cycles as the support; focusing on the construction of the domestic value chain and the synergistic enhancement of the global value chain, to improve China's position in the division of labor in the global value chain and to cultivate the competitiveness of the domestic value chain; with the dual driving force of the green productivity and the digital productivity as the new kinetic force, and with the combination of the two sectors of the effective government and the effective market as the focus point, to play the role of the effective market and the leading role of the effective government; and with the talent attraction and training system and the chain leader system as the policy support, to promote the upgrading of global value chains. In the face of the current international background and domestic situation, it is necessary to firmly grasp the general trend of productivity development, establish a set of paths for upgrading the status of the value chain in line with China's national conditions through the formation of new quality productivity, accelerate the shaping of new advantages for future development, and cultivate new kinetic energies to grasp new opportunities. The formation of new quality productivity can change the passive situation of "low-end lock" in China's global value chain and ensure the security and resilience of the industrial chain, and provide Chinese solutions and wisdom for late-developed countries or regions in upgrading their position in the global value chain and realizing the upgrading of the value chain. It is of great theoretical value and practical significance for China to seize the opportunity of global value chain reshaping to enhance its competitive advantage at a deeper level and realize Chinese-style modernization.

Abstract:The transformation of social forms is essentially the development process of productivity from low quality to high quality, and the improvement of productivity level is the fundamental driving force for the development of human society. New quality productivity starts with "new", focuses on "quality", and takes "productivity" as the foothold. The focus of cultivating new quality productivity is on new technology, new industries, and new elements. As a strategic production factor in the digital age, data elements are the key to achieving digitalization and intelligence in enterprises. The national comprehensive experimental zone for big data is deeply cultivating the blue ocean of data, cultivating the big data industry, and unleashing strong productivity efficiency. Exploring the practical path of big data pilot zone relying on data elements to help the construction of modern economic system is of great significance to accelerate the formation of new quality productivity, realize high-quality economic growth through scientific and technological innovation, and promote the construction of Chinese path to modernization. This paper combs the existing concept and connotation of new quality productivity, introduces data elements, and clarifies the theoretical mechanism of enabling new quality productivity in the big data comprehensive pilot area. Based on the panel data of 230 prefecture level cities in China from 2011 to 2021, this paper constructs a new quality productivity indicator system at the urban level in three dimensions of scientific and technological productivity, green productivity, and digital productivity, treats the pilot policy of the national big data comprehensive pilot area as a quasi natural experiment, builds a multi period double difference model to empirically test the effect of pilot policies, and depicts the heterogeneity of pilot policy effects from multiple dimensions. The research results find that: 1) the national level big data comprehensive experimental zone significantly empowers the improvement of new quality productivity, and this conclusion still holds under various robustness tests. 2) Dimensional heterogeneity analysis shows that pilot policies have significant empowerment in three dimensions: technological productivity, green productivity, and digital productivity. Regional heterogeneity analysis shows that policy empowerment effects are more pronounced in the eastern coastal areas and the Yangtze River Economic Belt region. The analysis of heterogeneity in economic characteristics shows that the urban policy empowerment effect of high-level industrial structure, human capital, and digital infrastructure is prominent. 3) Mechanism analysis shows that pilot policies incentivize enterprises to increase research and development investment, thereby empowering new quality productivity. Based on this, policy recommendations are proposed: optimize pilot policy driven data element channels based on the sub dimension of new quality productivity; target promotion of the reform of big data comprehensive pilot zones in response to the heterogeneity of regional industrial structure; fully leverage the guidance of local governments and the exemplary role of enterprises in policy implementation.

Abstract:The accelerated evolution of a new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation has put forward new requirements for productivity. As a qualitative transition of traditional productivity, the new quality productivity meets the internal requirements of the current high-quality development and Chinese path to modernization. Theoretical research on the connotation characteristics and improvement paths of new quality productivity is gradually deepening, but empirical research is still insufficient. Major national strategic regions are the leading areas for China's economic construction and development of new quality productivity. Accurate analysis of the current situation and regional differences in the development of new quality productivity in major national strategic regions is a prerequisite for China to adapt to local conditions, achieve coordinated, staggered, and linked development of new quality productivity. It is of great practical significance for China to accelerate the coordinated development of new quality productivity. By sorting out the connotation and characteristics of new quality productivity, a new quality productivity evaluation index system covering three dimensions of new industries, new models, and new kinetic energy is constructed. Based on this, the entropy TOPSIS method is used to measure the level of new quality productivity in major national strategic regions from 2012 to 2021, explore its spatiotemporal evolution characteristics, further analyze the development differences and sources of new quality productivity using Gini coefficient, and display and explore the growth differences of new kinetic energy, new industries, and new models in different regions. Research has found that: 1) the level of new quality productivity in major national strategic regions continues to improve, from high to low, followed by Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao, the Yangtze River Delta, Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei, the Yangtze River Economic Belt, and the Yellow River Basin. In terms of annual growth rate, the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region has relatively lagged behind. 2) The spatial distribution of new quality productivity in major national strategic regions is uneven, with a stepped feature. The first tier is centered around developed regions such as Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao, Beijing, and the Yangtze River Delta, with a significant lead in new quality productivity. The second tier includes Tianjin, some provinces in the Yangtze River Economic Belt, and the Yellow River Basin. The third and fourth tiers cover other regions, and the level of new quality productivity needs to be further improved. 3) There are significant differences in the development of new quality productivity within major national strategic zones, with the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region showing the most prominent internal differences, while the internal differences within the Yellow River Basin are gradually expanding. 4) In terms of new driving forces and industries, the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao and the Yangtze River Delta regions are overall leading. The levels of various dimensions in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region are relatively high, but the growth rate is relatively slow. In contrast, the Yangtze River Economic Belt and the Yellow River Basin have seen faster growth in new models. Finally, policy recommendations are proposed to leverage local advantages, improve the scientific and technological innovation system, and promote regional coordinated development.

Abstract:The self-reform of the Communist Party of China embodies the dialectical unity of understanding and practice, profoundly revealing the essential attributes of a Marxist party. To fully grasp the theoretical core of the Party's self-reform, it is indispensable to analyze its basic elements. Mutuality, as an important feature of self-reform, not only reflects the comprehensiveness and systematic nature of self-reform but also demonstrates its innovative and contemporary nature. Understanding the origins of research into the mutual characteristics of self-reform requires delving into the relevant discussions of traditional classic Marxist authors for theoretical foundations of mutuality, meticulously outlining the academic studies on the mutuality of self-reform, and elaborating on the mutual characteristics of self-reform in an academic manner. This reveals that the Party's self-reform is not an isolated, static practice, but is constantly in a state of interaction. A thorough analysis of the reciprocal characteristics embedded in self-reform, including mutual inspiration, interdependence, and integration, not only provides a clear understanding of the significant value of the Party's self-reform but also offers methodological insights for an in-depth study of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important thoughts on the Party's self-reform. Specifically, reciprocity is an intrinsic spiritual drive, reflecting the mutual linkage and motivation between individuals; interdependence is an efficient and stable operating mode, reflecting the mutual reliance and support between various domains; integration is a continuously optimized dynamic system, reflecting the adaptive nature of the times and societal demands.

Abstract:A great revolution creates a great spirit. The great founding spirit of the Party runs through the century-old course of the Communist Party of China to actively promote the great social revolution and the great self-revolution, and demonstrates the mainstream nature of the glorious history of the Communist Party of China for a century. From the Red Building of Peking University to the Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China is the initial stage of the Communist Party of China to promote social revolution and self-revolution. While clarifying the goals of social revolution, it also leads social revolution with firm self-revolution, forming a great founding spirit of the Party with historical connotation and distinctive characteristics, which has become the spiritual source of the great revolutionary journey of the Communist Party of China. The Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China is an important historical node for the Party to promote social revolution and self-revolution. Starting from the objective laws of revolution, the Second National Congress actively promotes social revolution to promote self-revolution and injects rich connotations into the great founding spirit of the Party and improves its inner requirements. Therefore, the Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China is not only the starting point for the Party to promote social revolution and insist on self-revolution, but also a key point in the development of the great founding spirit of the Party. A history of the formation of the great founding spirit of the Party is a glorious history of the Communist Party of China leading the people to actively carry out social revolution and strive to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and it is also a history of communists' self-revolution, self-improvement, and continuous spiritual growth. The great founding spirit of the Party shines brightly in the great course of the Communist Party of China leading the social revolution through self-revolution, leading the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people to continuously advance towards realizing the second century goal.

Abstract:The art of Xi Jinping's use of allusions is an important part of Xi Jinping Thought on Culture. It not only upholds the attitude of "returning to the origin and establishing new spirit" of cultural confidence, but also bases on the practice of thousands of years of civilization of the Chinese nation, highlights the ideological light of adhering to the cultural "two innovations" policy of "creative transformation and innovative development", and vividly embodies the cultural confidence, Chinese wisdom and the educational orientation contained in Xi Jinping Thought on Culture, and gives the art of his use of allusions a broad ideological value. Fine traditional Chinese culture and ideological and political education have a natural interoperability in the value dimension. Allusions, as a concentrated and inherited imprint of Chinese excellent traditional culture, manifest the characteristics of the combination of thought and emotion, and can provide an important ideological and cultural source for the value reconstruction of ideological and political education in the new era. Combining with the connotation and characteristics of Xi Jinping's art of using allusions, exploring the historical thickness, cultural heritage and practical depth of his expression of allusions and discovering the rich wisdom of cultivating people, is not only a new-age practice of implementing Xi Jinping Thought on Culture, but also an important theoretical and practical value for the reconstruction of the principles, contents and methods of ideological and political education.The principle reconstruction of ideological and political education should adhere to the principle of upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, and grasp the requirements of the times that harmonizes "orientation" and "innovation" of educating people; adhere to the problem-oriented principle, and highlight the realistic orientation of the combination of "sense of history" and "sense of innovation" of educating people; adhere to the principle of learning widely from others' strong points, and manifest the cultural heritage of the harmony of "nationalism" and "universality" of educating people. The content reconstruction of ideological and political education should link the traditional ideological and cultural spirit with the realities of governance, make the values of the sages be closely echoed with the mainstream values of the times in the context of "educating people with culture", highlight the breadth and depth of education and enhance the intensity and validity of education. The method reconstruction of ideological and political education should explore the connotation of traditional thinking methods in the Chinese humanistic classics in the new era, and shape a healthy and optimistic view of the country, life and interests of the education objects. We should also make innovative use of the practical wisdom of traditional culture to provide guidance for ideological and political education to strengthen goal orientation, enhance role modeling, teach students according to their aptitude, and improve teachers' professionalism. Ideological and political education should be based on the perspective of "educating people with classics", and should give full play to the new era value of Chinese cultural classics, continuously open up new ways to consolidate the theoretical basis, expand the discourse field and enrich the value of educating people by means of using the excellent traditional Chinese culture.

Abstract:New quality productivity is a new driving force for common prosperity and development in the context of Chinese path to modernization. Digital productivity innovation transforms traditional production models, with technological innovation as the core driving force to shape new digital productive forces, forming an effective lever for promoting common prosperity. Analyzing the internal mechanism of embedding digital new productive forces into common prosperity from theoretical, historical, and practical dimensions, the progressive logic of traditional productive forces moving towards new productive forces is interpreted. From a theoretical perspective, digital productivity and new quality productivity are isomorphic and symbiotic, giving rise to the concept of digital new quality productivity that promotes common prosperity. From a historical perspective, digital new productive forces promote common prosperity, fair and just development, and balance the relationship between efficiency and fairness. From a practical perspective, the coupling of digital new productive forces with digital empowerment diffusion effects and digital equal distribution justice promotes innovation in social digital reproduction and solidifies the foundation of common prosperity. The common prosperity in the context of digital new productive forces is based on the value co-creation of digital empowerment to make the cake bigger and better, and the value sharing of digital equal rights and fair distribution of the cake. On the dimension of value co-creation, digital technology empowers economic efficiency upgrading, digital elements tap into social reproduction value, digital governance creates a new ecological environment for common prosperity, and has formulated practical plans to achieve value co-creation for common prosperity. On the dimension of value sharing, ensuring the rights and powers of digital production entities, accelerating the equalization of basic digital services, and enhancing the synergy of urban-rural digital development have constructed effective indicators to examine the degree of shared achievements in common prosperity. The integration of digital production practices based on value co-creation and value sharing into the value orientation of common prosperity helps to promote the efficiency diffusion of digital new productive forces. The coupling effect between common prosperity and digital production is reflected in value co-creation based on digital empowerment and value sharing based on digital equity, while digital production based on digital empowerment and digital equity correspondingly anchors the increment and background of common prosperity. The promotion of common prosperity through digital new productive forces requires a dual drive of digital "empowerment development" and "equal rights and sharing": firstly, to increase "efficiency" through "empowerment" and resort to new production models empowered by digital technology, such as amplifying the accessibility effect of digital dividends from the aspects of iterating digital ecological industry dividends, upgrading intelligent life applications, and expanding the innovation dividends of aging friendly intelligent services; the second is to stabilize "distribution" through "equal rights", such as shaping the humanistic concept of digital production, constructing a digital public welfare governance community, and optimizing the sharing of digital public services to alleviate the problem of digital dividend inclusiveness. Digital new quality productivity enables common prosperity, provides the source of power for the development of Chinese path to modernization, improves the efficiency of social digital production, and promotes the road of common prosperity and development.

Abstract:The emergence of new quality productivity, as a qualitative transformation in the development of productivity, reflects the fundamental changes in traditional production methods and relations brought about by the latest generation of information technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), big data, and cloud computing. The qualitative reshaping of productivity by AI is prominently manifested in the three essential elements of productivity: laborers, means of labor, and labor objects. This includes enhancing the labor capacity of workers, leading the intelligent and digital innovation of means of labor, and expanding the scope and boundaries of labor objects. As the core driving force of a new round of industrial revolution, AI promotes the formation of new quality productivity from micro, meso, and macro levels. At the micro level of enterprises, AI drives the demand for labor towards a more skill-intensive "intellectualization" through the substitution effect of labor elements, empowers enterprises' intelligent manufacturing capabilities with production synergy of human-machine interaction, and optimizes resource allocation efficiency through intelligent operation of automated production. At the meso level of the industry, AI enables the multiplier growth of digital emerging industries, promotes the deep integration of digital and real economies, and restructures intelligent industrial and innovation chains to facilitate industrial transformation and upgrade, achieving an intelligent advancement of the industrial structure. At the macro level of the nation, the accelerated development and application of AI technologies empower the construction of the national governance system, promote precision in social governance, scientification of government decision-making, and efficiency of public services, forming a new type of production relations compatible with new quality productivity and realizing the intelligent transformation of national governance. Under the new circumstances of the accelerated evolution of generative AI technologies, China should further hasten the formation of new quality productivity driven by AI. Firstly, insist on technological self-innovation to optimize production factors with AI. Enhance the AI talent training mechanism to cultivate highly skilled new-type laborers; improve the innovation capability in AI scenarios to promote the widespread application of technological innovations; and accelerate the breakthrough in key AI technologies to fully activate the potential of data elements' multiplier effect. Secondly, accelerate the deep integration of digital and real economies to comprehensively empower the modern industrial system with AI. Promote the intelligent transformation of traditional industries to achieve iterative upgrading of infrastructure connectivity capabilities; cultivate and strengthen strategic emerging industries to build an AI industrial ecosystem; explore pioneering reforms to proactively layout future industries. Thirdly, establish and improve the AI governance system to enhance the quality and efficiency of the national innovation system. Drive the intelligent transformation of national governance with the construction of digital government; promote the quality and efficiency improvement of the market economy system with intelligent empowerment; enhance the efficacy of the national innovation system with intelligent development.

Abstract:Modern China has witnessed a scientific revolution, which started in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China, flourished in the 1920s and 1930s, and became increasingly popular after the Anti-Japanese War. The scientific revolution has greatly changed the basic outlook of Chinese society. In the past, the cognition of the scientific revolution, influenced by the history of Western science, focused on great scientists and urban areas, formal scientific organizations and established disciplines, and paid little attention to how science was introduced to the countryside and changed the local conditions. There was insufficient research on the mobility and localization of science. This essay takes the first private academy of science in China, the "Western China Academy of Sciences", as the main research object, to discuss how it localized and institutionalized scientific concepts, promoted the transformation of rural areas with modern scientific concepts and culture, and creatively reshaped the basic economic and cultural features of local society. The focus is on the evolution of local scientific system, how and in what specific form it is introduced to the local society, and how the local society designs, operates and adjusts the institutional structure of local scientific system according to its own needs, local resources and existing foundations. In the organizational chart designed by the Western China Academy of Sciences, its core institutions consist of the Institute of Physics and Chemistry, the Institute of Biology, the Institute of Agriculture, the museum, the rural schools, the local newspapers among others. These institutions correspond to different aspects such as scientific research, scientific education, and popularization of science, and play different social functions, implementing the basic meaning of modern science in various fields and aspects such as local mining development, discovery and classification of animals and plants in the western China, economic development in mountainous areas, and popularization of scientific knowledge and concepts. In this process, traditional villages gradually transformed into modern places, and abstract science was implemented and enriched. In this sense, while science changed the place, the place also reconstructed science, making it present a local form. The rural scientific revolution has a strong local and contemporary nature. It has the structural characteristics of focusing on practicality, popularization, communication, and resource orientation, which deserves further in-depth study.

Abstract:At the end of 1937, after the fall of Nanjing, the Japanese army carried out large-scale burning and looting of businesses in Nanjing, including tea houses, and carried out inhumane massacres, causing huge economic losses and social chaos to Nanjing. Among them, public entertainment venues such as tea houses were destroyed and looted to an even greater extent. Affected by this, the operation of the tea house industry has taken a sharp turn for the worse, presenting a chaotic management order and facing difficulties in industry survival. The Wang puppet regime exploited and restricted operators through administrative measures such as taxation and supervision, and the tea house industry entered a difficult stage of survival. During the occupation of Nanjing, the connotation of tea house culture underwent profound changes. The leisure space, originally focused on tea tasting, poetry singing, and chess skills exchange, has gradually been used by the Japanese puppet authorities as a place to promote their colonial ideas and enslavement education. The opera performances and topic discussions in tea houses were forced to cater to the taste of Japanese occupiers, and traditional ethnic stories and patriotic themes were deliberately suppressed or tampered with. The Japanese puppet regime also used tea houses for intelligence gathering and monitoring anti Japanese underground activities, making tea houses a potential danger. However, even in such a high-pressure environment, tea houses, as an important component of civil society, still stubbornly exist. They are not only reflections of daily life scenes, but also symbols of folk emotions and resistance spirit. Although it may seem quiet on the surface, in reality, some tea houses have become hidden contact points and intelligence exchange points for civil resistance forces and some underground resistance organizations. It can be said that the subtle interaction between tea guests hides the spark of resistance, reflecting the resilient cultural inheritance and national spirit of the Chinese people. In short, even in this difficult environment, tea house culture has not completely disappeared. Many lower class people have made tea houses an invisible cultural resistance carrier by preserving and inheriting traditional skills, as well as secretly spreading folk wisdom. This distortion and evolution reveal the complexity and resilience of the Nanjing tea house industry in a special historical period.

Abstract:During the Northern Song Dynasty, there was a unique phenomenon of communication and mutual learning between the Han and Fan ethnic groups through painting as a medium. The respect and importance placed by the Song court on the culture of the Fan ethnic group is not only reflected in the political and diplomatic aspects, but also more profoundly in the field of painting. The Xuanhe Painting Manual specially designated the "Fan Clan Class", which ranks fourth among the ten kinds after the "Dao Shi Class", "Ren Shi Class", and "Gong Shi Class". The compilation style and classification standards of the Xuanhe Painting Manual reflect the open style of the rulers of the Song Dynasty, who were culturally independent and absorbed different customs, and the diplomatic concept of harmonious coexistence and equal treatment between the Song court and the Fan ethnic group. Fan and Han painters had interactions with each other. Fan painters came to work and lived in the Song Dynasty, and were influenced by Central Plains culture. Their artistic styles gradually merged with the Han ethnic group. Han painters also went to places of different ethnic groups, and their works were highly appreciated and learned by the Fan people, which had a significant impact on Fan people's. This kind of two-way communication between ethnic groups not only enriches the connotation of painting art, but also promotes mutual understanding and respect between the Fan and Han ethnic groups. During the exchange between the two ethnic groups, the Liao dynasty often presented paintings with their own ethnic characteristics, such as deer, geese, and wild geese. The Song dynasty, on the other hand, presented them in the form of flying white calligraphy, a representative of traditional Han culture. These paintings deepened the friendly relationship between the Song and Liao dynasties and became a symbol of cultural exchange between the two ethnic groups. In addition, the exchange of imperial attire between the Song and Liao dynasties, as well as the painting of the Khitan Envoy's Appointment to the Court by the Song people, record the diplomatic activities between the Fan and Han dynasties, showcasing the historical scene of ethnic harmony. The Song court attached great importance to collecting and drawing images of the Fan ethnic group, as well as depicting official tribute maps for ethnic exchanges. These paintings were not only artistic creations, but also products of the interaction between politics and art. They became a way for the Song court to praise the cultural and military achievements of the dynasty, shape the prestige of the Central Plains, and enhance national confidence. During the Northern Song Dynasty, the Han and Fan ethnic groups used painting as a medium to collide and learn from each other, intertwined with innovation, and their cultural connections strengthened day by day, jointly promoting the prosperity and development of Chinese painting art.

Abstract:As an important strategy to promote the goal of "double carbon", the low-carbon transformation of energy structure needs a series of institutional measures to promote the formation of an energy structure pattern with both "clean energy use" and "energy supply". Market mechanism is the main driving force of low-carbon transformation of energy structure, and energy market access system is an important constraint and regulation tool to play the role of market mechanism in order stability and risk prevention. Therefore, the low-carbon transformation of energy structure must be implemented by building a perfect energy market access system. The traditional energy market access system has limitations on low-carbon governance. The innovative energy market access system should reflect the dual value pursuit of maintaining energy market order and realizing climate public interests, and its function is positioned in the dual structure of "prevention-control". The functional orientation of "prevention-control" calls for a clear and more scientific legislative orientation of the energy market access system. The normative construction of this system must implement different functional allocation, resource integration and legislative strategies in the "carbon source" stage and "carbon flow" stage respectively: the former focuses on adjusting the proportion of traditional fossil energy, clean energy and renewable energy in energy development and utilization, and promotes the low-carbon upgrading of energy structure; the latter pays attention to the qualification access and behavior supervision of the energy industry, and strengthens low-carbon governance on the basis of ensuring the reasonable supply of energy. From this point of view, the innovation of energy market access system should be based on the principle of unity and difference, and the system elements involved should be summarized and characterized from two aspects of energy supply and low-carbon control, so as to further improve the normative forms of access standards, licensing matters, access approval and follow-up supervision, enrich the normative content and procedural structure, and enhance the institutional capacity. In a word, first, based on the principle of coordinating energy supply and low-carbon control, pay attention to the practical orientation of standards such as qualification access, scale access and project review in different energy access scenarios, and form stable and quantitative access standards; second, based on the criteria of "the necessity of energy supply" and "the degree of carbon risk", the differentiated operational requirements and behavioral requirements are identified according to the characteristics of different energy mining enterprises and processing and conversion enterprises, and then the licensing conditions and transaction allocation of various energy industries are determined; third, based on the concept of structural connection with equal emphasis on access approval and follow-up supervision, we will build a special review mode centered on "the ability to perform access affairs and standards" and a follow-up supervision mode centered on "the effectiveness of fulfilling obligations of energy supply and low-carbon control" to strengthen the supply of energy services and the fulfillment of low-carbon obligations of the admitted subjects.

Abstract:Under the background of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law requiring the "system, integrity and coordination" of accelerating law-based governance in China, the realization of the national strategic goal of ecological protection and high-quality development in the Yellow River Basin needs to embed the overall system view into the proposition of legal guarantee of the ecological environment in the Yellow River Basin, to shape the integralist thinking paradigm consistent of the Yellow River Basin ecological rule of law discourse system and standard order. Taking the overall system view as the analysis tool, the legal approach of ecological protection in the Yellow River Basin has three core issues: problem orientation, theoretical traceability and logical orientation.In the former, a"rational" system is unfinished, an "administrative order-control" law enforcement mechanism is leaky and a "risk prevention" dynamic response basin judicial security system is absent. In the middle, the modern rule of law is a specific unity integrating time, ideas and norms. The basic law of the legal structure of ecological protection in the Yellow River Basin should be carried out along the unity of vertical commonness and diachronic, the interaction of internal professionalism and power doctrine, and the integration of external public and private laws. In the latter, in order to achieve the goal of "good law and good governance" in the ecological protection of the Yellow River Basin, it is advisable to build an ecological protection legal system with both shape and spirit, an ecological protection law enforcement system of the Yellow River Basin that "combines the carrot and the stick" and establish an ecological protection judicial system in the Yellow River basin that "combines prevention and control".

Abstract:The current carbon neutrality work in China is mainly promoted on a policy path, and the relevant legislation is not yet perfect, especially that the lack of a clear carbon neutrality schedule may lead to carbon charging and campaign style carbon reduction in some places. It is not conducive to actively and steadily achieving carbon neutrality goals, and may also bring uncertainty to production and life. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress proposed to strengthen research on climate change and carbon peaking and carbon neutrality legislation during the 14th Five Year Plan period. Carbon neutrality schedule is an effective method for managing the progress of carbon neutrality and ensuring the achievement of carbon neutrality goals, which is provided in most countries' carbon neutrality legislation. Under the schedule for "striving to achieve carbon peak before 2030 and carbon neutrality before 2060" of China, studying and formulating practical and feasible carbon neutrality schedule legal norms is not only conducive to advancing the legislative process of climate change and carbon peak and carbon neutrality, but also conducive to enhancing the feasibility of carbon neutrality legislation, stabilizing social production and living expectations, and enhancing China's voice in international climate cooperative governance. The carbon neutrality schedule legal norms should be based on China's basic national conditions such as industrial structure and energy structure, combined with needs of international climate cooperative governance, and designed based on the combination of scientific and policy nature, international and national nature, and current and future nature. Through the legislative purpose clause and special clauses on carbon neutrality schedule of the Climate Change Law, the process of China's carbon neutrality work should be incorporated into the track of the rule of law, to give full play to the role of the rule of law in solidifying foundation, stabilizing expectations, and promoting long-term benefits, and safeguarding the basic rights and freedoms of the present and future generations of the people. Specifically, in the legislative purpose clause, the content of carbon neutrality schedule is suggested to state as "to promote the implementation of national carbon neutrality strategy and to promote international climate governance cooperation". In the special clauses, a specific and clear relative short-term carbon neutrality schedule should be provided, phased carbon neutrality goals for medium and long-term carbon neutrality schedule should be designed, and the State Council should be authorized to refine and advance the carbon neutrality schedule during the phased period.

Abstract:On March 10, 2024, a case of intentional homicide involving three minors under the age of 14 occurred in Handan City, which sparked widespread public concern and strong reactions. The focus of public discontent shifted from "no penalty for minors" to "lenient penalty for minors" and "no death penalty for minors". Public opinion has revealed the value conflicts inherent in the minimum age of criminal responsibility when addressing youth delinquency, demanding profound scholarly examination and an account of China's distinctive historical and cultural heritage. Theoretically, the establishment of a criminal responsibility age is a legal fiction that necessarily results in the contradiction between identity and difference. Public dissatisfaction with "lenient penalty for minors" and "no death penalty for minors" largely stems from the yearning for retribution. However, retributive justice is fundamentally at odds with the principle of special protection for minors. Furthermore, the inclination of public sentiment towards amending the law may violate the modesty principle of criminal law. The system's challenge is to maintain a balanced allocation of punishment quantity to guarantee the modesty principle of criminal law. Throughout Chinese history, the ethos of "caring for the young" has deep historical roots and has influenced ancient Chinese legislation. In terms of institutional design, since the Han Dynasty, the Chinese legal tradition has displayed a relatively flexible approach to determining the criminal responsibility age, which, to some extent, mitigates the shortcomings of legal fiction. Moreover, since the Tang Dynasty, China has adopted the mode of "listing crimes + defining statutory penalties", which has the advantages of systematization and precision and can provide insights for future improvements to China's minimum criminal age system. In terms of practice, the construction of the minimum criminal age system can be advanced along the following pathways: First, it is imperative to shift from an overly rigid "age-only" criterion to a more flexible legislative model. Second, current legislation exhibits unequal punishment for similar cases, the punishment disparity due to age differences should be minimized as much as practicable to ensure proportionality. Simultaneously, it is vital to firmly establish the stance of special protection for minors, relax constraints on juvenile probation, and further refine the specialized correctional education system to align seamlessly with criminal law. Third, a systematic approach to crime classification should be embraced, using the maximum statutory sentence as a criterion for such classification. This would create a more robust legal framework and guard against an unwarranted broadening of the scope of punishment.

Abstract:The issue of weakened functionality of duty lawyers in cases of admission of guilt and acceptance of punishment persists, as evidenced by the obstacles encountered by these lawyers in obtaining case information from police investigators, their passive involvement in meeting with the accused person and reviewing dossiers, and the formalities surrounding their presence during pledging procedures. The reasons for these problems are as follows: Firstly, the operation of the duty lawyer system may conflict with the efficiency-oriented values embedded within authorities responsible for processing the admission of guilt and acceptance of punishment cases, potentially slowing down procedural flow and prolonging case processing cycles. Some personnel may harbor psychological resistance towards the substantive participation of duty lawyers in judicial proceedings. Secondly, the consultative judicial concept promoting equal dialogue and rational negotiation between prosecution and defense parties has not been fully implemented within the admission of guilt and acceptance of punishment case processes; some personnel hold misconceptions regarding the role and capabilities of duty lawyers during sentencing negotiations. Thirdly, the lack of legal supervision by prosecutors in power-dominated models prevalent within the admission of guilt and acceptance of punishment cases has resulted in connivance, enabling conscious or unconscious expansion of interests by the authorities responsible for processing the cases through rule-making processes and specific judicial procedures. It should be acknowledged that the current duty lawyer system plays a crucial role in striking a balance between the fairness and efficiency of criminal proceedings, punishment of crimes and protection of human rights in cases involving the admission of guilt and acceptance of punishment. Moreover, it is important to recognize that the reliance and control on public power are two significant factors impacting the effective functioning of the duty lawyer system. In line with China's ongoing criminal justice reform and considering the existing practice environment, it is advisable to promote systematic development of the duty lawyer system and related mechanisms to address the issue of weakened functionality from three perspectives: Firstly, standardize and implement notification procedures by case-handling authorities to ensure timely meetings between duty lawyers and accused individuals while granting complete access to case dossiers. Secondly, reform performance evaluation systems for case-handling authorities in the admission of guilt and acceptance of punishment cases by eliminating evaluation indicators based on application rates for the system of admitting guilt and accepting punishment; instead, employ both quantitative and qualitative methods to assess case-handling personnel's performance to facilitate substantive participation of duty lawyers in handling such cases. Thirdly, enhance supervision over powers at the pre-trial stages. This can be achieved through strengthening legal oversight by prosecutorial organs and deepening reforms within the people's supervisor system, which establish external supervisory mechanisms restraining powers wielded by prosecutorial organs, thereby promoting a combination of internal and external supervision aimed at comprehensive oversight over police and judicial authorities involved in handling such cases.

Abstract:There are two main arguments for the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate: fixing it at one year and making it flexible. The legislator adopted the former. However, the argument for fixing it at one year lacks significant basis. Scholars who advocate fixing it at one year argue that the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate should be analogous to the one-year preclusion period for the right of revocation. However, there is no precedent for this in comparative law. Additionally, the one-year preclusion period for the right of revocation focuses on the imputability of the cause for revocation and disregards other influencing factors. This setting mode is not suitable for the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate, as termination no longer requires the cause for termination to be attributable to the debtor, but mainly relies on fundamental breach of contract and failure to perform within a specified period. The legislator adheres to the view that the preclusion period is an invariable period, and thus the one-year preclusion period for the right to terminate is absolutely fixed. However, this view is the one-sided understanding of comparative law by traditional Chinese scholars. In Germany civil law, the one-year preclusion period for the right of revocation, as a mixed preclusion period, can be suspended. Therefore, this view is inappropriate as a legislative basis. In addition, in terms of the normative purpose of the preclusion period for the right to terminate, the advocates for fixing it at one year and the legislators mainly focus on "the prompt determination and stability of contractual relationships" and the balance of interests between creditors and debtors. However, they ignore two other normative purposes: preventing debtors from suffering unreasonable losses, facing risks, losing other transaction opportunities, and preventing creditors from speculating at the expense of debtors' losses. Moreover, the advocates for fixing it at one year have only conducted pure theoretical deductions and analyzed a limited number of judicial decisions. Therefore, they cannot prove that the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate should be fixed at one year. On the contrary, the argument for the flexibility of the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate is well-founded. To achieve the normative purposes, the preclusion period for the right to terminate needs to consider the type of contract, the specific normative purpose of the contract, the perishability and seasonality of the subject matter of the contract, the susceptibility of the subject matter to market price fluctuations, the risk of the subject matter being damaged or destroyed due to force majeure and unexpected events, the difficulty of alternative transactions, the type of non-performance, the possibility of continued performance, the time for legal consultation, and other reasonable factors.The factors considered in specific cases are different. The fixed one-year period cannot adapt to the differences in the factors considered in specific cases, exposing legal loopholes that are either too long or too short. Therefore, the flexibility of the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate is a rational choice to adapt to the differences in factors considered in specific cases. In addition to the notice factor, the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate takes into account the same factors as the preclusion period for the right to terminate after notice. Therefore, it should also adopt a flexible period, as the preclusion period for the right to terminate after notice does. This is also confirmed by the result of judicial decision-making experience. Furthermore, only if the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate is flexible and allows such factors as force majeure, lack of capacity or death of the parties, coercion of the parties, and negotiation or mediation that occurs during the preclusion period to be applicable to the provisions on the suspension of the statute of prescription, can it comply with the consistency of the evaluation of the law. To achieve the flexibility of the statutory general preclusion period for the right to terminate, the Judicial Interpretation of the General Provisions of the Contract Part of the Civil Code of the People's Republic of China should add a flexible systematic provision for the suspension, reduction, and extension of the one-year preclusion period for the right to terminate.

Abstract:This paper uses the method of combining induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis to sort out General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on financial work, and makes a systematic analysis of the theoretical logic and practical direction of financial reform, development and stability. This paper believes that in-depth study of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on financial work has great theoretical value and practical significance. General Secretary Xi Jinping's important expositions on financial work comes from Marxist-Leninist financial theory and Mao Zedong's financial thought, which enriches and develops Socialism with Chinese characteristics's financial theory, and is a theory that comes down in one continuous line with Marxist political economy and keeps pace with the times. The basic theoretical issues of Socialism with Chinese characteristics's financial reform, development and stability in the new era are clarified, such as the role of finance, the essential purpose of finance, the concept of financial development, and the principles of financial work. It points out the practical direction of Socialism with Chinese characteristics's financial reform, development and stability in the new era, such as accurately judging the financial situation, fulfilling the financial purpose and mission, preventing and defusing financial risks, unswervingly deepening financial reform, strengthening financial supervision and coordination, steadily expanding financial opening, introducing high-end financial talents, and adhering to the centralized and unified leadership of the Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping's important exposition on financial work is a scientific summary of both positive and negative experience of international and domestic economic and financial practice since China's economic development entered a new normal after the international financial crisis. It is a major achievement of the Sinicization of Marxist political economy, an important part of Xi Jinping Thought on Economy, and an action guide for the reform, development and stability of socialist finance with Chinese characteristics in the new era.